A Conjoined Constraint in Korean

Abstract

In this paper, we examine two kinds of nominal suffixes in Korean within the Optimality Theory. In one kind, a nominal suffix is selected from some lexical allomorphs. In the other kind, the final form of the suffix is either a long form with a connecting extra vowel /-i/ or a short form with no such connecting /-i/ vowel. Based on these observations, we argue that i) a glide in CGV syllable structure should be analyzed as a part of a complex onset and ii) onset maximization does not take place across a stem-affix boundary. We also argue that in the Optimality Theory, a conjoined constraint is necessary in order to explain the non-applicability of the onset maximization across a stem-affix boundary.