이승만 정권기 국민개병 담론과 징병제 시행

Abstract

본 논문은 징병제에 초점을 맞추어 국가형성 초기의 한국에서 주권주장을 가능하게 했던 폭력의 독점과정을 살펴본다. 기피자에 대한 처벌만이 아니라 징병제를 정당화하고 이를 개별자들이 주체적으로 수행하도록 설득해내는 과정에서 주요한 역할을 수행했던 ‘국민개병’ 담론의 성격과 그 효과가 본 논문의 주된 분석대상이다. 식민지에서 해방되어 설립된 한국의 이승만 정부는 한반도의 대내외에 독점적인 주권을 주장하고자 노력했다. 이승만 정부는 ‘분단’이라는 성격을 강조하며 ‘완전독립’을 주장하여 한반도 내에서 독점적 주권을 배타적으로 행사하기를 원했다. ‘국민개병’의 원칙에 따른 징병제의 성공적인 정착은 국민들이 집단적으로 신생국가에 주권을 위임했음을 가시적으로 드러낼 수 있는 요소였다. 이승만 정부는 식민국가의 지배엘리트들처럼 병역을 '특권'으로 설명하여 자유주의적 권리주장을 차단하고자 했다. ‘식민화한 규율’을 요구했던 식민국가의 통치기술이 식민지에서 해방된 탈식민국가의 지배엘리트들에게도 이어졌던 특징을 발견할 수 있다. 미국이 군사원조에 소극적이었기 때문에 이승만 정부는 한국전쟁 직전까지 징병제를 시행할 수 없었다. 한국전쟁으로 ‘한국군 증강 프로그램’이 본격적으로 논의되면서 본격적인 징집이 시행되었다. 미국은 휴전협상을 시작하면서 자국의 군대를 한국군으로 대체할 필요를 느꼈다. 반면 이승만 정부는 휴전에 반대하면서 휴전 이후의 안전보장을 요구했다. 이러한 갈등과 합의에 의해 한국군의 규모가 한미합의의사록을 통해 72만 명으로 명시되었다. 한편, 식민국가에 의해 형성된 호적 등의 주민등록제도와 병사구사령부 등의 병무행정제도가 탈식민국가인 한국에서도 관습처럼 시행되었다. 그러나 식민지기에 자리 잡은 근대적 제도는 한국전쟁 이후 대규모의 인구이동이 발생한 새로운 상황에 대처하기 어려웠다. 한국은 전쟁에 직면해 징집을 시행할 수 있었지만, 체계적인 제도를 통한 것이 아니었다. 전시라는 예외적 상황이 폭력적 동원을 정당화할 수 있도록 해주었지만 임시적인 것이었다. 이런 상황에서 전쟁 중 징집되었던 제대군인들이 '국민개병의 완전한 실현'을 요구하기 시작했다. 전쟁 중에 그들에게 요구했던 가치를 지배엘리트들 또한 완벽하게 지키라는 것이었다. 이승만 정부는 감시의 내면화를 이끌어낼 역량이 부족했기에 더욱 이들의 요구에 민감하게 반응할 수밖에 없었다. 재학생 입영연기 폐지 등 ‘국민개병’의 원칙을 강조했던 국방당국의 정책추진은 여론의 균열을 우려했기 때문에 나타난 대응이었다. 한편, 제대군인들의 요구가 반영되자 생계부양자나 독자 등도 연기할 수 있는 기회를 잃게 되었다. 1950년대 말 입영연기 폐지를 둘러싼 논쟁을 통해 국민국가 내의 내적 차별과 계급적 불평등을 발견할 수 있다.|Discourse of Universal Conscription and implementing the system in the Regime of Syngman Rhee

The purpose of this thesis is to explain the process of monopoly on violence which enabled Syngman Rhee government to claim sovereignty. The main subject of analysis is the discourse of universal conscription which performed a leading role during the process that persuaded individuals to internalize surveillance. Syngman Rhee government, which was formed after liberation from Japanese colony, tried to claim sovereignty on Korean Peninsula. They wanted to exercise their sovereignty exclusively by insisting on ‘complete independence,’ which was not achieved by the ‘division of territory’. It was important that the new state took root universal conscription system to exhibit the people’s sovereignty internationally. However, Syngman Rhee government, similar to the Japanese Government General, explained that military service was a ‘special right’, to prevent liberal claim of a right. We can see that the governmental technology of colonial state which had demanded ‘colonized discipline’ was continued through the government of postcolonial state. Syngman Rhee government could not implement conscription system before the Korean War, because the United State was negative on military aid. They had been enabled regular conscript through discussing the program for strengthening ROK forces. The US needed to replace their army with ROK army after the commencement of truce talks. However Syngman Rhee government opposed the truce talks and asked for security assurance of the US. As a result of this conflict and the following agreement, the scale of ROK forces was specified as 720 thousands at Agreed Minute Relating to Continued Cooperation in Economic and Military Matters. Meanwhile, resident registration and conscription administration system was also enforced in postcolonial state. But these modern systems, which had been formed during colonial period, couldn’t handle the big scale migration after the Korean War. Syngman Rhee government could implement conscription, but not through a well-ordered system. Wartime as an exceptional condition had made it possible to justify the violent draft. However, it was only temporary. The discharged soldiers who had been conscripted during the war started to insist on ‘full realization of universal conscription’ in this situation. It was demanded that govern elite keep the value which had been enforced upon conscripted soldiers during the wartime. Syngman Rhee government had to react to their demand sensitively, because it didn't have enough capability to induce their people to internalize surveillance. It was respond that policies of national defense authorities which emphasized principle of ‘universal conscription’ such as abolition the system to delay enlistment for enrolled student why they was concerned crack of public opinion. By contrast, breadwinners and the only sons had lost their opportunity for delay by reflection of the demand. We can find inner discrimination and class inequality within nation-state through discourses about the abolition of delaying enlistment system in the late 1950’s.; Discourse of Universal Conscription and implementing the system in the Regime of Syngman Rhee

The purpose of this thesis is to explain the process of monopoly on violence which enabled Syngman Rhee government to claim sovereignty. The main subject of analysis is the discourse of universal conscription which performed a leading role during the process that persuaded individuals to internalize surveillance. Syngman Rhee government, which was formed after liberation from Japanese colony, tried to claim sovereignty on Korean Peninsula. They wanted to exercise their sovereignty exclusively by insisting on ‘complete independence,’ which was not achieved by the ‘division of territory’. It was important that the new state took root universal conscription system to exhibit the people’s sovereignty internationally. However, Syngman Rhee government, similar to the Japanese Government General, explained that military service was a ‘special right’, to prevent liberal claim of a right. We can see that the governmental technology of colonial state which had demanded ‘colonized discipline’ was continued through the government of postcolonial state. Syngman Rhee government could not implement conscription system before the Korean War, because the United State was negative on military aid. They had been enabled regular conscript through discussing the program for strengthening ROK forces. The US needed to replace their army with ROK army after the commencement of truce talks. However Syngman Rhee government opposed the truce talks and asked for security assurance of the US. As a result of this conflict and the following agreement, the scale of ROK forces was specified as 720 thousands at Agreed Minute Relating to Continued Cooperation in Economic and Military Matters. Meanwhile, resident registration and conscription administration system was also enforced in postcolonial state. But these modern systems, which had been formed during colonial period, couldn’t handle the big scale migration after the Korean War. Syngman Rhee government could implement conscription, but not through a well-ordered system. Wartime as an exceptional condition had made it possible to justify the violent draft. However, it was only temporary. The discharged soldiers who had been conscripted during the war started to insist on ‘full realization of universal conscription’ in this situation. It was demanded that govern elite keep the value which had been enforced upon conscripted soldiers during the wartime. Syngman Rhee government had to react to their demand sensitively, because it didn't have enough capability to induce their people to internalize surveillance. It was respond that policies of national defense authorities which emphasized principle of ‘universal conscription’ such as abolition the system to delay enlistment for enrolled student why they was concerned crack of public opinion. By contrast, breadwinners and the only sons had lost their opportunity for delay by reflection of the demand. We can find inner discrimination and class inequality within nation-state through discourses about the abolition of delaying enlistment system in the late 1950’s.